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Rina Khatun
Jul 14, 2022
In Fashion Forum
OThe conceptual model allowed them to go to C Level Contact List Lasso. But –we underline– the general trend assumed was that the votes went to Arauz or null, given what we know about the internal composition of Pérez's votes in the first round (more than a fifth of them came from Quito and the province of Azuay), and, above all, given the informed C Level Contact List intuitions we had in this regard. Azuay, traditionally a stronghold of Correismo and where Pérez had his best electoral performance in the first round of 2021, helps illustrate the argument more C Level Contact List clearly. Arauz obtained 21% in the first round, 23 points less than what Moreno achieved in 2017. The reasons are obvious: in Azuay, Pérez obtained 42% (Hervas, by the C Level Contact List way, reached 15%), and Lasso achieved 14% (less than half of the 32% that it reached in 2017 in the same province). In other words, the votes of the strong bastion of Correismo in the southern C Level Contact List Sierra escaped Arauz in the direction of Pérez. In the absence of Pérez in the second round, Was it not reasonable to suppose that the majority of the partition of those Pérez votes –we C Level Contact List underline “majority”– would “return” to Correista inertia or would become null, as the Pachakutik candidate promoted? What was unreasonable, given Azuay's Correista trajectory and the rest of the informed C Level Contact List intuitions, was to assume that in Pérez's absence, the majority of those votes would go to C Level Contact List Lasso. This is the intuitive explanation of the notion of "general trend" or "reasonable expectation." most of those votes would go to Lasso. This is the intuitive explanation of the notion of "general trend" or "reasonable expectation." most of those votes would go to Lasso. This is the intuitive C Level Contact List explanation of the notion of "general trend" or "reasonable expectation.
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Rina Khatun
Jul 14, 2022
In Fashion Forum
One out of every six people who went to the polls in the C Level Contact List second electoral round cast an invalid vote. In large part, the massive null vote was due to the campaign of Pérez and Pachakutik, who promoted the "ideological null vote" as a sign of rejection C Level Contact List of the electoral system and the alleged fraud against his candidacy in the first round. The invalid votes came mostly from the provinces where Pérez reached the highest number of votes5, and a C Level Contact List post-election quantitative analysis confirms that around 60% of Pérez's votes in the first round became invalid in the second6. To understand this result, it is necessary to return to C Level Contact List the interpretive framework. The reasonable expectation was to suppose that the votes that went to Pérez in the first round would be distributed, in majority, between Arauz and the null voteC Level Contact List in the second round. Saying that is not the same as saying that no one who had voted for Pérez was going to vote for Lasso: the conceptual model admitted that a good number of Pérez C Level Contact List voters would vote for Lasso. It was quite probable, for example, that the voters of Pérez de la Sierra Centro would lean more towards Lasso and the null vote than towards Arauz. That is, in fact, the inertia of those territories in the C Level Contact List last decade. It is noteworthy that in the 2013-2017 comparison, that is, between Lasso's first and second participation as a presidential candidate, where his support grew the most was C Level Contact List precisely in those indigenous territories. In 2021, Lasso fell back in all those provinces, but not because Correismo regained ground, but because Pérez was an electoral alternative. In the C Level Contact List absence of Pérez on the ballot for the ballot, where would a good part of those votes go?
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Rina Khatun

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